Merz: French President Is My Friend ‘Whatever His Name May Be’ — Calls for Industrial Unity to Prevent War
Reflecto News | Breaking News | European Politics
BERLIN — German Chancellor Friedrich Merz on Monday set aside the formalities of diplomatic protocol with a lighthearted reference to his French counterpart, while delivering a serious message about European industrial policy as a cornerstone of lasting peace on the continent.
Addressing an event, Merz remarked that French President Emmanuel Macron is “my friend, whatever his name may be” — a quip that drew attention to his broader argument: that when Europe’s key industries work together, disputes and even wars become far less likely.
“The French president is my friend, whatever his name may be. If the key industries come together, there will be no more disputes over those industries, and no war arising from them.”
— Chancellor Friedrich Merz, Germany
The ‘Name’ Joke: Breaking Diplomatic Formality
Merz’s offhand comment — “whatever his name may be” — was not a case of forgetting Macron’s name. Instead, it appeared to be a self-deprecating rhetorical pause, perhaps acknowledging that while the identities of leaders may change, the underlying necessity for German-French cooperation remains constant.
A longer clip of Merz’s speech suggests he had been emphasizing the need for “large-scale” Franco-German industrial projects. Merz specifically mentioned the development of a joint future battle tank, as well as the planned Franco-German-Spanish fighter jet project, FCAS (Future Combat Air System). By jokingly glossing over Macron’s name, Merz underscored his point: that the specific identity of the leadership matters less than the institutional structures they build together.
The remark also subtly recalled a different era of trans-Atlantic relations. When then-German Chancellor Angela Merkel visited the White House in 2017, she awkwardly asked then-President Donald Trump, “Do you want a handshake?” Trump appeared not to hear her. Merz’s light tone served as a pointed contrast to the formality of previous interactions and a signal of his personal rapport with Macron, even if he is not a head of state the way Merkel was.
The French Ambassador to Germany, Anne-Marie Descôtes, was present in the audience and — according to pool reports — appeared to take the comment in good humor.
‘No War Arising’ — The Coal and Steel Precedent
Merz’s core argument — that uniting key industries prevents war — directly invokes the foundational logic of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), the 1951 treaty that created the first supranational European institution.
The ECSC, proposed by French diplomat Jean Monnet and French Foreign Minister Robert Schuman, pooled the coal and steel resources of its member states (France, West Germany, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg) under a single authority. The logic was straightforward: if France and Germany no longer controlled their own coal and steel industries — the raw materials necessary to wage war — they could no longer fight each other. The ECSC is widely considered the precursor to the European Economic Community (EEC), which later became the European Union.
Merz argues that the same logic must be applied to today’s strategic sectors:
- Defense and aerospace: Preventing intra-European competition over the next-generation fighter jet and battle tank.
- Energy and critical raw materials: Reducing dependency on the United States and Russia.
- Clean technology (EV batteries, photovoltaics): Ensuring that European green tech does not compete internally while the U.S. and China forge ahead.
Merz’s formulation — “there will be no more disputes over those industries” — suggests that he believes a significant portion of trade and geopolitical conflict can be preempted simply by removing the economic incentives to fight.
Franco-German Engine: Navigating Differences
Despite the friendly tone, Merz is well aware of the obstacles to Franco-German industrial unity.
| Sector | French Position | German Position | Status |
|---|---|---|---|
| FCAS (fighter jet) | Wants strong French leadership (Dassault) | Wants equal German industrial participation (Airbus) | Tensions persist; program delayed |
| Main Ground Combat System (MGCS) | Wants French dominance (Nexter) | Wants German parity (KMW) | Work split 50/50; operational by 2035? |
| Energy policy | Pro-nuclear (France generates ~70% from nuclear) | Anti-nuclear (Germany completed phase-out 2023) | Fundamental divide; complicates EU energy market design |
| Trade policy | Protectionist leanings on certain sectors | Export-dependent; more likely to push free trade | Ongoing tension |
| Iran war | Supported US-Israeli strikes? More aligned with US | More cautious; sought mediation | Caused friction in early war days |
However, Merz and Macron have cultivated a working relationship that has weathered these differences. They have held joint cabinet meetings, coordinated on Ukraine policy, and — most recently — announced a Franco-German nuclear steering group to coordinate strategic defense policy, including discussions about France’s nuclear deterrent and its applicability to European security.
Merz’s “whatever his name may be” comment suggests an ability to laugh at the pomp of office while focusing on substantive agreement. Whether that rapport will survive the inevitable disputes over industrial subsidies, procurement contracts, and defense spending remains to be seen.
The ‘Key Industries’ Merz Wants to Unite
Merz did not specify exactly which industries he believes should be integrated, but his coalition’s recent policy statements point to several clear candidates:
- Defense: The FCAS fighter jet, MGCS battle tank, and Eurodrone programs continue to face delays. Merz has pushed for binding deadlines and financial commitments to accelerate integration.
- Batteries and EV supply chains: The EU has struggled to compete with Chinese and American subsidies under the Inflation Reduction Act. Merz has argued that fragmented European efforts are no match for coordinated Franco-German investment.
- Hydrogen and energy infrastructure: Germany’s transition to green hydrogen will require supply chains that cross French borders, and Merz has identified energy infrastructure as a area where unity is needed.
- Semiconductors: The EU Chips Act aims to double the bloc’s global market share to 20% by 2030. Franco-German coordination on fabrication plants (fabs) is central to that effort.
One specific example is the planned submarine between Germany and Norway, which is expected to include a network of hydrogen pipelines. This cross-border energy grid requires the active participation of both nations, not just in financing but in industrial planning. Merz’s push for integration suggests he wants these initiatives to function like the ECSC of old — where shared ownership of infrastructure makes conflict over it almost impossible .
The Political Context: EU Elections and Geopolitical Pressures
Merz’s remarks come as the EU prepares for a new institutional cycle following the June 2026 European Parliament elections. The Franco-German tandem, long the motor of European integration, has faced criticism that it no longer sets the agenda as decisively as it once did — in part because of the sheer number of crises it has managed and in part because of the rise of more assertive member states (Poland, Italy) with different priorities.
Nevertheless, Merz has placed Franco-German cooperation at the center of his European policy. The Ukraine war and the wider conflict in the Middle East have again demonstrated that Europe cannot rely on the United States for its security in the long term. Merz’s “no war arising” formulation is thus also a warning: if Europe does not integrate its strategic industries, it may find itself sidelined or, worse, internally divided in the face of external aggression.
His French counterpart has made similar statements. In a joint interview with Merz in February 2026, Macron said that “European sovereignty is not a slogan; it is a necessity” and that “France and Germany must lead by example” .
The ‘Friend’ Who Leads France
Merz’s characterization of Macron as his “friend” is diplomatically significant. While Merkel and French President François Hollande had a famously awkward relationship — and Merkel and Macron eventually developed a working rapport after some difficulty — Merz appears to have intentionally cultivated a closer personal bond.
The two leaders have met for a series of working dinners outside the formal EU summit circuit, and they have reportedly exchanged candid assessments of their respective domestic political constraints. Merz’s “whatever his name may be” quip is perhaps the most public expression of that ease, suggesting that Merz is less concerned with protocol than with results .
Key Takeaways for Reflecto News Readers
| Aspect | Summary |
|---|---|
| Merz’s comment | “The French president is my friend, whatever his name may be” |
| Key argument | Uniting key industries prevents disputes and war |
| Historical precedent | European Coal and Steel Community (1951) |
| Sectors Merz wants integrated | Defense (FCAS, MGCS), batteries, hydrogen infrastructure, semiconductors |
| Franco-German obstacles | Nuclear energy divide, industrial rivalry, protectionism vs. free trade |
| EU political context | Merz placing Franco-German cooperation at center of European policy |
| International takeaway | Europe must integrate strategically to avoid conflict and dependency |
Follow Reflecto News for continuous updates on European integration, Franco-German relations, and all breaking news from around the world.
This article is the intellectual property of Reflecto News. Redistribution without attribution is prohibited. For syndication or media inquiries, please contact the editorial team.