Merz: Ukraine ‘Feels Like a European Country’ — EU Must Not Lose It to Russia, Even ‘Emotionally’
Reflecto News | European Politics | Ukraine-EU Relations
BERLIN — Chancellor Friedrich Merz has delivered a carefully calibrated speech on Ukraine’s European future, affirming that the war-torn nation “feels like a European country” and insisting that the European Union “must not lose Ukraine to Russia—not even in a perceived, emotional sense.”
The Chancellor’s remarks, delivered at an event, reflect the delicate balancing act facing European leaders. Merz was unequivocal about Ukraine’s European identity while simultaneously warning against unrealistic timelines and expectations.
“Ukraine feels like a European country. It is a European country. The European Union must not become an exclusive club. We must not lose Ukraine to Russia—not even in a perceived, emotional sense.”
— Chancellor Friedrich Merz, Germany
‘A European Country’: The Identity Question
Merz’s framing of Ukraine as feeling “like a European country” — and not just being one on paper — acknowledges a long-running debate about European identity that predates Russia’s full-scale invasion. For centuries, Ukraine has been culturally and politically positioned between Europe and Russia, and its western regions have historically been more closely integrated with Europe (under Austro-Hungarian and Polish influence) than its east.
The Chancellor’s statement that “the European Union must not become an exclusive club” suggests a critique of those in the EU who would limit enlargement to the existing membership — France, Germany, and the Netherlands in particular have at times expressed reservations about rapid expansion, fearing it would dilute the Union’s institutional capacity.
Merz’s counter-argument is strategic and security-based: if the EU does not offer Ukraine a credible path to membership, Moscow will be able to claim (however falsely) that Europe does not consider Ukraine truly European — a powerful emotional and political lever in Russian propaganda. To lose Ukraine “even in a perceived, emotional sense” would be a victory for Putin, regardless of where the battle lines are eventually drawn.
‘Accession Takes a Long Time’: Managing Expectations
The Chancellor was careful to rein in any suggestion that Ukraine could join the EU quickly, even under the most optimistic scenario.
“Accession to the European Union always takes a very long time. But be careful not to raise hopes too high, which will then be followed by disappointment.”
— Chancellor Friedrich Merz
Ukraine was granted EU candidate status in June 2022, an unprecedented fast-track move given that the country was actively at war. However, membership requires meeting the Copenhagen criteria: stable institutions guaranteeing democracy, rule of law, human rights, and a functioning market economy, as well as adoption of the 35 chapters of the EU acquis (the body of common rights and obligations binding all member states).
Ukraine has made progress on anti-corruption reforms and judicial independence, but critics note that the country remains challenged by endemic graft and the fact that it is fighting for its survival. Merz’s warning about “raised hopes” followed by “disappointment” acknowledged that even under accelerated procedures, full membership remains years, if not decades, away .
The Ceasefire and Territorial Loss
Merz then addressed the likely endgame of the war itself.
“At some point, there will be a ceasefire… and possibly parts of Ukraine will no longer be Ukrainian.”
— Chancellor Friedrich Merz
This acknowledgment — that Ukraine may lose territory permanently — is the most politically sensitive portion of his speech. While Merz did not specify which regions, the most likely candidates are Crimea (annexed in 2014) and parts of the Donbas (occupied since 2014-2015 and more heavily in the 2022 full-scale invasion). Some analysts also include the land bridge from Russia to Crimea, as well as parts of Zaporizhzhia and Kherson oblasts.
The Ukrainian government’s official position is that it will not cede territory as a condition of peace. But Western officials have increasingly signaled that a full restoration of Ukraine’s 1991 borders is unlikely to be achieved militarily, and that a negotiated settlement will require territorial concessions — even if those concessions are not formally recognized by the international community as legitimate.
Merz’s phrasing (“possibly parts of Ukraine will no longer be Ukrainian”) walks a fine line. It does not endorse territorial changes, but it does acknowledge the tragic reality that Ukraine may not be able to liberate all of its occupied land. However, Merz omitted any discussion of security guarantees, reconstruction, or how the EU would handle a Ukraine that is partially occupied — a critical missing piece in his vision for Ukraine’s future.
‘The Steps Must Be Credible, Irreversible, and Lead Ultimately to Membership’
The Chancellor concluded his remarks with a call for concrete action.
“We cannot say, ‘Someday you might be allowed to come.’ The steps must be credible, irreversible, and lead ultimately to membership. That will take time—but we must begin.”
— Chancellor Friedrich Merz
The phrase “credible, irreversible” echoes language used by NATO about Membership Action Plans, though Merz was speaking about the EU. The key point is that offering Ukraine a notional, distant membership without any interim benchmarks would be worse than offering none at all. It would allow European leaders to claim they support Ukraine’s European future without doing the hard work of integration — and would allow Moscow to argue that the EU’s promises are empty.
Merz’s push for a timeline — even a long one — signals to the Ukrainian government that Berlin is serious about eventual membership, and to the Ukrainian people that their sacrifices have a European destination. Whether Merz’s coalition can deliver that timeline remains to be seen; the EU’s enlargement process is notoriously consensus-based, and Hungary in particular has repeatedly blocked Ukraine-related decisions .
The Unasked Question: Membership for a Country at War?
Merz did not address the procedural obstacle that Ukraine remains an active war zone. No country has ever joined the EU while fighting a full-scale war on its territory. The EU requires stable institutions and control over its borders — conditions Ukraine cannot currently meet, through no fault of its own.
An interim solution, such as granting Ukraine access to the EU’s single market without full membership (modeled on the European Economic Area), was mentioned briefly and then set aside. Merz’s focus on “irreversible steps” suggests he envisions a phased accession process, not a single dramatic moment — but he offered no details on what those steps would be or when they would begin.
German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock has previously proposed a “Marshall Plan for Ukraine” that would embed the country in European economic structures before formal membership. Merz’s speech suggests he agrees with that approach, even if he did not say so explicitly .
Key Takeaways for Reflecto News Readers
| Aspect | Summary |
|---|---|
| Merz’s core statement | Ukraine “feels like a European country” — it is European |
| Warning | EU must not lose Ukraine even “in a perceived, emotional sense” |
| Membership timeline | Will take “a very long time” |
| Expectation management | Merz warns against raising hopes too high |
| Territorial reality | “Possibly parts of Ukraine will no longer be Ukrainian” (ceasefire likely) |
| Action required | Steps must be “credible, irreversible” — cannot just say “someday” |
| Unanswered questions | How to handle membership for a country at war? What security guarantees? |
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